https://www.rjnsq.ir/ National Studies Journal en daily 1 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://www.rjnsq.ir/article_236598.html In this paper, a philosophical reflection on the idea of the university in Iran is considered not from a metaphysical and essentialist perspective but from a phenomenological aspect with an emphasis on its relationship with the political. The question of the paper is that based on philosophical reflections, which university model in the world is capable of explaining the idea of the university in Iran? In response, the claim of the present paper is that the Humboldtian model of the university in Germany, in terms of its reliance on the narrative of modern political self-consciousness (the national), is capable of relatively explaining the Iranian model of the university. Based on the comparative method in examining the national university, the findings of the paper indicate that the establishment of the university in a seemingly paradoxical situation, on the one hand, has become necessary due to practical and real requirements, including the national, in the contemporary Iranian life-world, and at the same time, due to its autonomous nature, it resists the imposition of ideology, including by citing a substantial and inherent origin for it. https://www.rjnsq.ir/article_236600.html The role of identity is undeniable; therefore, emerging issues such as digital identity have been highlighted as significant and may be regarded as challenging within Iranian society. Digital identity refers to the existence, attributes, and behaviors of an individual, organization, or device within the digital space. Considering the aforementioned points, this article examines the gap between self-perception and the presence of political celebrities on Instagram in shaping digital identity, and seeks to explain the causes and consequences of this gap for the future relationship between digital identity and state decision-making institutions. The research methodology employed in this study is qualitative and inductive (moving from observation to reasoning). Data collection tools include library-based and documentary research, as well as structured interviews conducted in the form of a questionnaire based on the Cochran model, administered to 200 university students, graduates, and members of academic and policy-oriented think tanks. The findings of this research indicate that social networks, as platforms for the exchange of ideas and viewpoints, have contributed to the transformation of Iranian identities. On the one hand, due to the relative freedom of expression and ease of access to information, these platforms can lead to the strengthening of diverse identities and cultures. On the other hand, the presence of misinformation and rumors facilitates the emergence of pseudo-scientific narratives and contributes to confusion and misguidance in understanding digital identity. https://www.rjnsq.ir/article_236602.html Amidst the rising trend of ethnic conflicts worldwide, which has led to serious security crises for many countries, economic issues and strategies capable of mitigating the security implications of such challenges have become increasingly significant. This study aims to develop strategies to reduce Ethnicism in the Azerbaijan region, with a particular focus on economic approaches. This is an applied research utilizing a mixed-methods design (library research and survey) and is conducted using the SWOT analytical framework. The statistical population comprises 30 elites specializing in ethnicity, particularly experts on Azerbaijani issues. Based on the SWOT framework, internal strengths and weaknesses as well as external opportunities and threats were identified through literature review and expert interviews. Among the most important strengths are the high capacity of elites and educated individuals and the region’s relatively acceptable level of development. Key weaknesses identified include the prevalent sense of discrimination among local people, the influence of rent-seeking wealthy individuals who instigate Ethnicism, and the lack of balanced intra-provincial and regional development. The main opportunities are the shared borders with five neighboring countries and significant potential for international transit. Main threats include the instigation of perceived economic discrimination by foreign media and ethnic elites, Western economic sanctions, persistent inflation, and the country’s economic stagnation. Policy recommendations resulting from the study include the urgent strengthening of transit corridors in the northwest of the country, lifting sanctions and rapid integration of Iran into the global economy, encouraging national investors to invest in non-native regions within the country, preventing the formation of economic federalism in various regions, curbing the rise to power, fame, and wealth of anti-national elites and figures, formulating a comprehensive national development atlas and making decisions based on the capacities and comparative advantages of different regions with an emphasis on economic justice, continuous monitoring of managers’ and policymakers’ performance and their commitment to territorial planning outcomes and the fundamentals of economic justice, and further integrating all regions of the country into the national economy to foster interdependence among all areas of Iran.   https://www.rjnsq.ir/article_236604.html One important way of strengthening Iran-centricity as a key pillar of the Iranian national identity is through its proper and adequate instruction in school textbooks; for neglecting this important matter leads to weakness and crisis in the national cohesion of Iranians. Accordingly, the purpose of the present study is to examine and analyze the content of elementary-level social studies textbooks from the perspective of their attention to components of Iran-centricity. The main research question is: What place do the components of Iranian identity hold in elementary-level social studies textbooks? The findings of this investigation reveal that seven components—Iranian history; Iranian antiquities, historical sites, and artistic and architectural works; Iranian personalities, luminaries, and great figures; Iranian national symbols, traditions, and customs; Iranian territory; Iranian language, ethnicity, and race; and Iranian religion—have been the most significant components of Iran-centricity represented in elementary-level social studies textbooks. Evaluation and analysis of these components indicate that the phenomenon of Iran-centricity has occupied a relatively significant share in the content of these books, encompassing text, exercises, and images. On the other hand, this investigation revealed that among elementary-level social studies textbooks, the fourth-grade book, with 409 representations of the seven Iran-centricity components, contains the highest frequency, while the third-grade social studies book, with 19 representations, contains the least content. Among the components and indicators examined in this study, Iranian history, with 238 instances, and Iranian religions, with 12 instances across all four social studies textbooks, respectively, had the highest and lowest representation. Furthermore, the findings of this investigation indicate that the content of these textbooks suffers from numerous shortcomings and weaknesses in terms of Iran-centricity, which curriculum planners, through a critical diagnostic approach, can address by developing richer content for these books to strengthen Iran-centricity and national cohesion and unity. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical, in the form of content analysis. Frequency counts and percentage frequency were used to analyze the data. https://www.rjnsq.ir/article_236607.html The History of Qom, written by Hassan ibn Muhammad Qomi (died 406 AH), is considered one of the most important historical sources of the Buyid era, playing a pivotal role in reflecting Shiite identity in this period. This research attempts to answer the question of which components reflected Shiite identity the most or the least in the history of Qom? In order to answer this question, the data from the book were extracted and analyzed using the quantitative and qualitative content analysis method based on the Maurice Duverger model, which focuses on extracting themes and frequencies. The findings show that Qomi reflected Shiite Identity in three pivotal components: “common links” (including rituals, beliefs, religious propaganda, and educational institutions), “common land” (with an emphasis on holy places and Shiite geography), and “common intellectual heritage” (in the connection between religion and politics). Among them, the component of “common land” has the highest frequency, while the component of “common intellectual heritage”, despite its lower frequency, plays a key role in explaining the political legitimacy of Shiism. The results show that by focusing on the spatial, social, and epistemological dimensions of Shiism and highlighting the position of Qom as a Shiite center, Qomi has transformed historiography in the context of the Buyid era into a tool serving to establish religious-cultural identity. This model can provide a platform for interdisciplinary studies in the field of Shiism historical identity studies https://www.rjnsq.ir/article_236608.html The ritual art of Ta’ziyeh is one of the religious arts of Islamic Iranian society, which has always been a subject of interest for both domestic and international researchers. Examining this ritual art from the perspective of foreign travel writers can help identify the hidden dimensions of this national and religious art, its distinctions from Western art, and reveal its profound capacities. The primary objective of this research is to investigate the characteristics of the ritual art of Ta'ziyeh from the viewpoint of foreign travel writers and its relationship with the discourse of Orientalism. This study employs a documentary research method, describing the ritual art of Ta’ziyeh by examining and analyzing foreign travelogues written about Iranian society. The findings indicate that although the accounts of some travelers about this national and religious art appear to be Orientalist and tinged with mockery, in many cases, the narratives of the travel writers do not fit within the framework of Orientalist discourse. Instead, they have praised and commended Ta’ziyeh, introducing it as a unique and captivating art form, sometimes even more impactful and sublime than the heritage of performing arts in the West. Key themes reflected in the travel writers' reports on Ta’ziyeh include its power of imagery, artistic and vocal elements, the venue of Ta’ziyeh performances, stage settings, the artistry and skill of its performers, its emotional impact on the audience, the presence of women in Ta’ziyeh ceremonies, its performance format and themes, as well as jurisprudential debates surrounding Ta’ziyeh. https://www.rjnsq.ir/article_236609.html Language stands as one of the most valuable components of tradition and national identity within a country. Afghanistan, widely recognized for its linguistic diversity, ranks among the world’s most linguistically diverse nations. Following the European trend of modern nation-states and the recognition of language as an essential unifying element in nation formation, Afghan policymakers prioritized Pashto as the primary element for national unity after gaining independence. This approach gave rise to policies emphasizing the preservation and development of Afghan languages, especially Pashto and Dari, as central to national identity within major documents, such as constitutional laws and governmental decrees. Despite these efforts, the implementation of these policies fell short of achieving satisfactory outcomes. This study explores the approach and execution of language-related policies in Afghanistan's history and evaluates the results based on established laws and decrees. Using qualitative historical analysis and primary documentary sources, this research reveals that, historically, the dominant language in Afghanistan and the country’s cultural identity have been closely tied to Persian. The founding figures, including emirs, prime ministers, and presidents, communicated predominantly in Persian, though it was rebranded as Dari over time. Simultaneously, the government supported smaller local languages to avoid a monolingual national identity.